Rap Advocacy: Counterculture and Political Change in Kenya
Mwongela Kamencu, known by most as Monaja, is a performing and recording artist, historian, and organiser from Kenya. Monaja served as a part-time lecturer at Machakos University and later ventured into consultancy, working for a time with MIT GOV/LAB.
As an artist, Monaja has performed in various towns and cities across Kenya and Tanzania. His music, written in Kiswahili and Sheng, addresses current socio-political issues. Based in Nairobi, Monaja is also involved in community organizing. Most recently, he has been working with artists to see how they can harness their collective power to bring about positive change.
This interview was conducted through written questions prepared by Aliai Dhol Acuil, Antonio Moya-Latorre and Allison Hannah Lee of CoLab Radio.
How are you doing and how is your life being affected by the pandemic?
Monaja: I’m in good health. Well, the pandemic has slowed a few activities here – I had some research consultancies lined up but it’s fine, I am now adapting. On the upside though, it has given me some personal time to come up with new content and also to reflect on plenty.
What impact is Covid-19 having on the population of your country, and how is the Kenyan health system coping with the situation? What are you most worried about?
Monaja: Livelihoods have been affected – particularly those who work in the informal sector of Kenya’s economy. These livelihoods have come especially under strain as a result of the government-imposed restrictions on movement to the capital, as well as a nighttime curfew.
To set the context for this interview, we would like to get your view on tribalism in Kenya. How has it shaped the political sphere since the country’s independence from the British empire in 1963 and more recently, how is it continuing to shape current politics?
Monaja: Tribalism - derived from the word “tribe” - is a derogatory word; you hardly hear Europeans refer to each other as “tribes” unless of course they are referring to medieval times. Nevertheless, if you’re asking about “ethnic-based discrimination” or what some Kenyan scholars propose as an equivalent to racism – ethnicism – I’d say it has largely blurred our perspective on how class works. There have been numerous incidents of scores of Kenyans, living from hand-to-mouth, acting in solidarity with individuals who are their co-ethnics who occupy positions of influence and are significantly wealthier. This has happened even though these influential individuals and their kin are squarely responsible for their followers’ impoverishment. The same thing replicates itself in other ethnic groups and the net effect is the followers of those leaders are pitted against each other and violence ensues. In most cases, however, such “ethnic kingpins” actually are part of our fossilized ruling elite which largely acts in solidarity with each other. I know the above is a reductionist argument on how ethnicity works in Kenya – there are some gray areas – but I’d say this is how it usually works.
The extreme violence following the 2007 presidential election shed light on local ethnicism as a vice, with much of the rivalry and bloodshed drawn across tribal lines. Several years later, we still see politicians successfully use ethnicism to boost their political profiles and influence elections. How do you feel about this? What does this tell you about the common Kenyan?
Monaja: I’ll have to qualify this question. There’s a particular obsession with ethnic identity as the cause of violence in Africa in the west as though it solely works as an end in and of itself. The way it worked, as it did in the colonial times, was that ethnicity was contiguous with region and some of these regions were viewed as “resource rich”. More investment went into such regions. At independence, you had a lopsided country – some remote areas were left behind, while others had better infrastructure. It’s so happened that our first President came from such a region and continued with the same development model.
But there still lay contradictions in those “resource rich” areas – the dispossessions that came with colonialism left a dispossessed class which, in a cash economy, was somewhat dependent on their oppressors who used state power to accumulate wealth. There were also class contradictions in the ethnic groups who came from the regions considered less rich – the political leaders of such ethnic groups were significantly wealthier than their followers who owed their fealty to them. But it’s important to note that the individual camps under which ethnic groups were organised were not just held together by some of the benefits – arguably marginal – that were obtained by having their leaders in power, but also obligatory ties of solidarity. These “pillars of power” are what leaders have used to rally their ethnic bases, which mainly comprise an impoverished lot. It is not a homogenous experience – there are ethnic groups that have had it much rougher than others – marginalisation, harassment, state violence. But the ethnic groups which are arguably privileged also have members who have fallen through the cracks. I don’t know what a “common Kenyan” looks like but it would be unfair to blame the dispossessed – our leaders occupy positions of privilege and impoverish our people and they therefore should be held to a higher moral standard.
How are younger generations dealing with these notions of ethnicism and with contemporary politics more generally? What are the biggest changes they are asking for?
Monaja: We are human beings. Like any other species, some traits are passed down to offspring. Likewise, there are many youth who are just as biased/prejudiced as their parents. But there‘s a significant chunk of our generation, either due to their exposure or just by their predisposition, who do not use an ethnic prism to analyse political and social realities the way a good number of our parents did.
What are young people demanding? What “type’ of young people? For some, the sum total of their demands is a Kenya that works – more or less the fulfillment of a social contract between the people and the government – for others, it’s undoing the damages inflicted upon us by colonialism and an accompanying reconstruction that would produce an equitable continent. I can’t think of a grand argument that sums up the political aspirations of all of us.
A key point of frustration among Kenyan youth is the fact that older men and women are given key strategic jobs in the government. This is despite the fact that about 75% of Kenyans are aged below 40 years. What are some effective ways that the youth can respond to this?
Monaja: Power cedes nothing without a demand. We will just have to organize to ensure our agenda carries the day. Either that or the status quo remains.
“Power cedes nothing without a demand.”
Can you talk about counterculture movements in Kenya? How and where were they forged? How and where are they appearing today?
Monaja: I think there’s a difference between countercultural movements and a countercultural lifestyle. I’d categorise Sheng (an urban slang which fuses Kiswahili, English and many ethnic languages) under the latter; it is a language that is more accessible to urban Kenyan youth than formal English and Kiswahili. The Kenyan Hip Hop collective Ukoo Flani Mau Mau, I’d say could be categorized as a countercultural movement. The way those guys moved particularly in the late 1900s to the 2000s was a statement against conventional behavior for the youth. You had guys rapping and singing about colonialism and its legacies, neocolonialism and police harassment and killings in a language accessible to urban youth. At some point they had support from both sides of the divide – from the suburban areas of Nairobi to the less affluent Eastlands where they were based. At around the same time you had a group called Mungiki which challenged power within their ethnic group and, at a point in time, functioned as vigilantes-cum-militia in the central part of Kenya including several neighbourhoods in Nairobi.
What have been the greatest achievements of these movements? What are the biggest challenges when fighting against political hegemony? Is counterculture supported by Kenyan population more broadly?
Monaja: Ukoo Flani Mau Mau comprised rap groups such as Kalamashaka, Mashifta and later Wakamba Wawili– these guys brought Kenyan contemporary music to the fore and within it started a tradition of making music rich in socio-political content. Some artists, including myself, have tried to follow in that tradition. Mungiki, on the other hand, despite their notoriety, brought security some neighbourhoods but later became a law unto themselves.
What’s the role of Kenyan artists in moving forward with a counterculture that shifts the political paradigms? What particular art forms are more powerful to spark change?
Monaja: To challenge power through their works but also to dream up an alternative world through the same. This does not necessarily mean that they should limit themselves to production of art works only – actualizing this alternate world would only be possible through organizing. As for art forms, I can’t really pick one and say that it has more potential than another or than all the others. Besides there comes a time when certain art forms are more dominant than others.
Do you consider yourself part of Kenya’s counterculture? Can you share some personal stories where you have been on the frontline of social protests? How were your actions received? Did anything surprise you? What were some key insights from your experience(s)?
Monaja: I’d rather leave that question to those who have listened to my music and those who know me. Yes I have taken part in protests. There was a demonstration we took part in 2014 that protested salary increments for our Members of Parliament. I also took part in a demonstration in 2017 that protested ethnic profiling and killings of opposition supporters in the 2017 election – we were teargassed in both demonstrations. I had relatives, friends and even fans who questioned my stances – to them I was supposed to be loyal to the government seeing as how the region I come from was then seen as a “stronghold” of the incumbent. Others think I received money to take part in the protest – nothing can be further from the truth. I was neither surprised by the violence we were subjected to nor the cynicism we were regarded with. What I learnt, however, was that a new way of organizing is necessary – one that is self-sustaining and not reliant on donors.
How has your music helped you translate academic thinking into political practice and activism?
Monaja: I mostly rap/sing in Kiswahili and Sheng. This makes the ideas I’ve learnt from academia – which is usually in esoteric English – more accessible to Kenyans, many of whom speak in Kiswahili and or Sheng. It has provided a medium through which I can make complex ideas simple and actionable for people.
[Listen to Nchi Yetu by Monaja. Lyrics and translation provided at the end of the interview.]
In your song Nchi Yetu you affirm that, “If you don’t repair the wall cracks, you’ll have to rebuild the whole wall.” Can you elaborate on this statement and its meaning? How does this affirmation influence your activism?
Monaja: I wrote the song in 2013 when I was thinking through historical injustices and how the then elected government could not be trusted with solving them as the elected leaders were beneficiaries of the injustices. Kenyan academics correctly attributed the violence of 2007/2008 to historical injustices among other causes – and I was simply saying if those injustices were not addressed then this bomb would explode at some point.
Are you hopeful that your generation and those of the future are going to be able to “repair the hole”?
Monaja: Something's got to give. I think it is a question of whether Mohammed goes to the mountain or whether the mountain will go to Mohammed. It is unsustainable to have such an unequal society in perpetuity so I think something will change soon. I wouldn’t say that I’m clinging on hope but rather a personal assessment. I could be wrong, who knows?
What are you currently working on? Are you planning any artistic interventions in response to the Covid-19 pandemic?
Monaja: Yes, there’s a show I’ll be hosting starting in May – Mistari na Mada (lyrics and themes). I’ve also just began writing a song on this whole dark episode that we have been subjected to.
Is there anything else you would like to share with the CoLab Radio audience?
Monaja: With privilege comes an opportunity to speak out and act in solidarity with those facing oppression. Use it.
[You can find Monaja on Twitter @monajamwenyewe and on Facebook @monajamwenyewe]
Nchi Yetu, by Monaja
Naskia ka mwananchi chini ya serikali ya Kenyatta
Kenya ni Jamuhuri matunda ya uhuru hatujapata
Ukitoa maoni yako polisi wanakukamata
Baba wa taifa akisema, kazi yako ni kufuata
Watu wanauliza maswali vile vile alikufa ngala
Ati ajali ya barabara? Wananchi wana maswala
Ukabila nayo ukaanza, mauaji ya raia kule Nyanza
Kupigana kwa fahali wawili kuliumiza nyasi za uwanja
Pio Gama Pinto, J.M Kariuki na Tom Mboya
Wanasiasa waliouliwa wananchi wanadai “oya”
“Harambee, Harambee tujenge nchi yetu”
Hatukubali huo msemo mnaua watu wetu
Ukweli ni… Kenyatta hakuwa mmoja wa MAU MAU
Juu baada ya kuteuliwa Rais, ye ndio aliwasahau
Miaka hamsini baada uhuru bado maisha duni
Nazo siku za Usoni zitakuwaje nduguzanguni!
[Chorus]
Nchi yetu ya Kenya tunayoipenda
Ma3 ni ile ile; badilisha dereva
Kule tulikotoka ni wapi tun’enda
Usipoziba ufa ukuta ‘tajenga
Naskia ka mwananchi chini ya serikali ya Moi
Siasa mbaya maisha mbaya, Nairobi mpaka Voi
Kutajirika kwa walala heri, kuongezeka kwa walala hoi
Ndio ajependekeze kwa watu, maziwa ya nyayo kwa watoi
Watu wanauliza maswali, vile vile alikufa ouko
Haikuwaijulikana hii siasa ni mchafuko
Mapinduzi ya 82, wananchi kuhisi ku-
Leta mabadiliko nchini Kenya chini juu
Fimbo ya nyayo kuwagonga, watu kuogopa kubonga
Juu ya kitu chochote mbaya kuhusu ile serikali moja
Kufungwa bila kuhukumiwa, nyayo kuanza kuchukiwa
Wenye hawakutaka kumpigia kura wakaanza kuuliwa
Ukweli ni… M.O.1 hakuwa anapendwa hivyo
Juu wengi walichagua ubako ka wamejawa matarajio
Tunahitaji viongozi wasiokuwa na mapendeleo
“Na hiyo… mta…. Ni maendeleo…”
[Chorus]
Naskia ka mwananchi chini ya serikali ya Kibaki
Viongozi wakishiba si tunaachiwa mabaki
Raia akipata shillingi mbunge kujiongezea laki
Viongozi wetu kulindwa na tamaa na ulafi
Watu wanauliza maswali.... kashfa ya angloleasing
Ahadi ya kumaliza ufisadi na billion zikagomissing
Wizi wa kura kusababisha chuki na hasira
Vita kila pahali kwa misingi ya kikabila
Mauaji ya Kikatili kutendeka kanisani
Hakuna haki kwa MaIDP waliachwa hivyo jamani
Serikali ya mseto kuundwa kupunguza hiyo ghasia
Walaji kuongezeka kukulia moja sinia
Ukweli ni, ubako alivunja ahadi aliyotupa
Vile alisema ufisadi itakuwa kitu itaachwa nyuma
Matajiri kuongezeka, bei ya mahitaji kuenda juu
Ka huwezi amini hivyo we ni pubaff tu!!
[Chorus]
Nchi Yetu, by Monaja
Translated lyrics
I feel like a citizen under Jomo Kenyatta’s government
Kenya is a republic but we have not got the fruits of our freedom (benefits of independence)
When you express yourself the police arrest you
when the father of the nation speaks you have to follow
People are asking questions: how did Ngala die?
A road accident? The citizens are suspicious
Ethnicism began, the massacre that occurred in Nyanza*1
When the two oxen fought, what suffered was the field’s grass ( paraphrased proverb),
Pio Gama Pinto, J.M Kariuki and Tom Mboya
The politicians who were murdered the citizens are crying out “Oya*2”
“Harambee Harmbee*3, let’s build our country”
We reject your call you people are killing our people
The truth is Kenyatta wasn’t part of the MAU MAU
Because after being elected president he forgot about them
50 years after independence and our lives are still in a bad state
(nduguzanguni - Kenyatta’s catch phrase) What about the days to come my friends?
[Chorus]
Our country Kenya, that we love
the matatu is the same; change the driver
where we came from, where are we going?
If you do not take care of the wall cracks you’ll build the whole wall (proverb)
I feel like a citizen under the government of Moi
Bad politics Bad living*4 from Nairobi to Voi
The enrichment of the privileged while the poor become more
To endear himself to the public he gave nyayo*4 milk to children
People are asking questions, how did Ouko die
It was never known, Politics is dirty
The Coup during 82 citizens feeling like
Bringing change to Kenya
Nyayo’s club hitting them effectively making people afraid of talking about
any ills of that regime
detention without trial the beginning of Nyayo’s resentment
Massacres began of those who didn’t want to vote for him*5
The truth, is M.O.1 was not liked much
That led to Ubakos election with heightened expectation
We need leaders who won’t show favour
(Moi’s Voice) and that is development *6
[Chorus]
I feel like a citizen under Kibaki’s regime
as leaders eat to their fill we are left with the leftovers
As the common man gets a shilling the MPs increases his salary by a hundred thousand *7
our leaders being guided by lust and greed
People are asking questions, the anglo-leasing scandal
after the promise to get rid of graft millions went missing
electoral theft that caused hate and resentment
Widespread violence based on ethnicism
The brutal murder of innocents that took place in the church
No justice for the IDP’s as they were just left like that
the Grand coalition government cobbled up to mitigate against the violence
More eaters eating from the same plate
the truth is ubako broke his promise
when he said that corruption will be a thing of the past
The wealthy increasing in number amidst a high cost of living
(Pubaff tu in Kibaki’s voice) If you don’t believe that then you’re dumb! (Kibaki’s catch phrase)
[Chorus]
About the Interviewers:
Aliai Dhol Acuil is a rising senior in the Civil and Environmental Engineering and an international student from Kenya where her family relocated to during the second civil war in Sudan. Aliai was exposed to social justice and political issues through her parents, who participated in the liberation struggle of the people of South Sudan. During her time at MIT, she’s worked with CoLab on a few projects, including the FUNDRED which sought to address the issue of lead poisoning in water systems in the US.
Antonio Moya-Latorre coordinates the student engagement program at CoLab. Antonio is a musician and an architect who became an urban planner. He works on the diffusion of art to contribute to the progress of vulnerable populations in Spain and Latin America. His professional career can be followed on the platform A+M (www.amaseme.net), a space where he reflects on urban regeneration through architecture, music and art.
Allison Hannah Lee is a current Master of City Planning candidate and Research Assistant at CoLab. Her interests lie in conservation planning of cultural heritage and vernacular architecture, with a focus on supporting communities through civic engagement, holistic health and wellness, and inclusive economic development.